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Security in the Contemporary World

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A route into the idea

From 'security = defence' to referent-object analysis

  1. Identify the sweeping security claim
  2. Ask: security for whom? from what? by what means?
  3. Check the legal/institutional framework
  4. State what the claim hides

Traditional security assumes state = referent object. Human/non-traditional security shifts to individuals, communities, planet. Breaking the claim reveals which referent object is served, which framework applies, and where evidence is missing.

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Try an idea before you read. Explore how security thinking has expanded since 1945. Make a prediction before opening each section. Explore the discovery →

This chapter introduces two ways of thinking about security. Traditional security is mostly about military threats to a country. Non-traditional security widens the lens to dangers like terrorism, poverty, disease, migration and climate change that put ordinary people at risk. The notes below also cover how states cooperate through arms control and treaties, and how India handles both kinds of threat. They are part of our wider study notes library for Classes 9 to 12.

Introduction

What is security?

In simple terms, security means the absence of threats. Both individual life and the life of a country carry risks. Every time a person steps out of their home, their life and way of living can be threatened in some way.

Security debates focus only on the threats that endanger our core values. It refers to extremely dangerous threats that could damage those core values so badly that things could not be repaired if we did nothing about them.

There are two broad ideas of security: traditional and non-traditional.

Traditional notions of security

What are the external threats?

Traditional security thinking holds that military threats are the greatest danger to a country. One country threatens another with military action and, in doing so, puts at risk the core values of sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity.

In a war, it is not only soldiers who are hurt or killed. Ordinary men and women are often deliberately targeted to break a population's will to support the conflict.

When faced with a threat of war, a government usually has three choices:

  • to surrender,
  • to raise the likely cost of war so much that the other side is deterred from attacking, or
  • to defend itself and deny the attacking country an easy victory if war does break out.

A government may choose to surrender, but no country openly advertises surrender as its policy. So security policy is built mainly around two ideas: deterrence, which is about preventing war, and defence, which is about limiting or ending a war once it starts.

A third element of traditional security is the balance of power. Governments watch the power equation between themselves and other states very closely. They work hard to keep a favourable balance, especially with neighbours, with rivals, or with countries they have clashed with before.

Alliance building

Military power is central to keeping a balance of power, but economic and technological strength matter too, because they are the foundation on which military power is built.

A fourth element of traditional security is alliance building. An alliance is a group of states that agree to work together to deter or defend against military attacks. Most alliances are written down in formal treaties and rest on a fairly clear idea of who the threat is.

Why are alliances formed?

Countries form alliances to increase their effective power against another country or alliance. Alliances are based on national interests, and those interests can change over time.

For example, in the 1980s the United States backed Islamic militants in Afghanistan against the Soviet Union. Later it attacked them after Al Qaeda, an Islamic militant group led by Osama bin Laden, carried out the terrorist attacks on America on 11 September 2001.

Most security threats in traditional thinking come from outside a country's borders. This is because the international system has no central authority above all states to regulate behaviour. Inside a country, violence is controlled by a recognised central authority, the government. In world politics there is no such recognised authority standing above everyone else.

It is tempting to think the United Nations is, or could be, such a power. But the UN is a member-driven body. Its authority lasts only as far as its members allow and obey it. In international politics, each country is finally responsible for its own security.

Internal security

Traditional security is also concerned with internal security, though after the Second World War this was given less weight. It seemed that the internal security of the world's most powerful countries was more or less assured.

After 1945, the United States and the Soviet Union both looked settled within their own borders, and most powerful Western European states faced no serious threat from groups inside their borders. These countries focused mainly on threats from outside.

This was the era of the Cold War, when the Western alliance led by the United States faced the Soviet-led communist alliance, each wary of the other's military strength. Some European powers also worried about violence in their colonies as colonised people fought for independence. In the 1950s, for instance, the French were in Vietnam and the British were in Kenya.

Security challenges for the newly independent countries of Asia and Africa were different from Europe's in two ways. First, these new states faced the threat of war with their neighbours. Second, they had to worry about internal military conflict too.

Many newly independent countries came to fear their neighbours more than they feared the superpowers or their former colonial rulers. They fought over borders and territory, over people and populations, or over all of these at once. Internally, the new states worried about separatist movements trying to break away and form their own countries. At times, external and internal threats merged, and both put the security of these new states in serious danger.

Non-traditional notions of security

Non-traditional security goes beyond military threats. It covers a much wider range of dangers to human life. Here the focus shifts from the state to the individual, so it is often called human security. It includes insecurities such as hunger, poverty and civil war.

Supporters point out that, over the last century, governments have killed more of their own people than foreign armies have. Everyone agrees that the main aim of human security is to protect individuals, but they differ on how wide the idea should be.

Supporters of the narrow view focus on violent threats to individuals. In the words of former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, human security means:

the protection of communities and individuals from internal violence.

Supporters of the broad view argue that hunger, disease and natural disasters kill far more people than war, genocide and terrorism combined. On this view, people should be protected from these dangers as well as from violence. The broad human security agenda includes economic security and threats to human dignity. Put simply, it stresses freedom from want and freedom from fear.

Global security emerged in the 1990s in response to threats that cross all borders, such as global warming, international terrorism and health epidemics like AIDS, bird flu and COVID-19. No single country can solve these problems alone, and sometimes one country may be forced to carry an unfair share of the burden, for example with environmental damage.

New sources of threats

Both human security and global security highlight how the nature of security threats is changing. The main new sources are described below.

Terrorism

Terrorism is political violence that deliberately and indiscriminately targets civilians. International terrorism involves the citizens or territory of more than one country. Terrorist groups use force, or the threat of force, to change a political situation they do not accept.

Civilians are often targeted to spread fear among the public and to turn that fear into a weapon against national governments or rival groups. Terrorists have hijacked planes and planted bombs in trains, cafes, markets and other crowded places. Terrorism is not new, but governments and the public paid far more attention to it after the attack on the World Trade Center in New York on 11 September 2001. Before that, most attacks had taken place in the Middle East, Europe, Latin America and South Asia.

Human rights

Human rights are usually grouped into three kinds:

  • Political rights, such as freedom of speech and assembly.
  • Economic and social rights.
  • The rights of colonised peoples, and of ethnic and indigenous minorities.

Events like Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, the genocide in Rwanda and the killings by the Indonesian military in East Timor have sparked debate over whether the UN should step in to stop human rights violations. Some argue the UN Charter allows the use of force to defend human rights. Others reply that the national interests of powerful states will decide which violations the UN actually acts on.

Poverty, migration and disease

Poverty deepens insecurity. Population is expected to keep rising fastest in the poorest countries, while many rich countries will see their populations shrink. Low population growth tends to benefit wealthier states and groups, while poorer states struggle to raise income per person. This has created a global divide between the richer North and the poorer South.

For example, most armed conflicts today take place in Sub-Saharan Africa, the world's poorest region. In the early twenty-first century, more people were killed in wars there than anywhere else. Poverty in the South has also driven large-scale migration to the North in search of a better life and economic opportunity, which has raised political tensions.

International law separates migrants, who leave their homes voluntarily, from refugees, who are forced to flee war, natural disaster or political persecution. In general, states are expected to accept refugees but not migrants. Internally displaced people are those who have fled their homes but stayed inside their own country's borders. The Kashmiri Pandits who fled the violence in the Kashmir Valley in the early 1990s are an example. One 1990s study found that all but three of sixty refugee flows happened alongside an internal armed conflict.

Movement of people through migration, business, tourism and military operations has also sped up the spread of epidemics such as HIV/AIDS, bird flu and SARS. How well one country controls a disease affects infections in others. Older diseases like cholera, tuberculosis and malaria have developed drug-resistant forms that are hard to treat, and animal epidemics carry heavy economic costs, as Britain found during the mad cow disease outbreak and as several Asian countries found when bird flu hit their poultry exports.

Widening the meaning of security cannot stretch to every illness or hardship, or the idea would lose all shape. To count as a security threat, a danger must at least endanger the very existence of the referent, whether that is a state or a group of people. Rising sea levels from global warming, for example, threaten to submerge large parts of the Maldives, while HIV/AIDS has threatened several southern African countries. Like traditional security, non-traditional security always depends on the context.

Cooperative security

Many of these non-traditional threats call for cooperation rather than military confrontation. Force may have some role in fighting terrorism or protecting human rights, and even there its limits are clear. But it is hard to see how force could reduce poverty, manage migration and refugees, or control epidemics. Using the military for such problems would usually make things worse.

A far better approach is to build strategies based on international cooperation. This cooperation can be bilateral, that is between any two countries, or regional, continental or global. It all depends on the nature of the threat and on how willing and able countries are to respond.

Cooperative security can also involve non-governmental players such as Amnesty International, the Red Cross, private foundations and charities, religious organisations, trade unions, businesses and well-known individuals like Mother Teresa or Nelson Mandela. As a last resort, the international community may sanction the use of force against governments that murder their own citizens or ignore people suffering from poverty, disease and disaster. Such force works far better when it is sanctioned and used collectively than when a single country acts on its own.

How is India dealing with these security threats?

India faces both traditional (military) and non-traditional threats, from within and beyond its borders. Its security strategy has four main strands, used in different combinations over time.

Strengthening military power. India has fought wars with its neighbours, including Pakistan in 1947 to 48, 1965, 1971 and 1999, and China in 1962. The government justified India's 1998 nuclear tests as necessary for national security, since India is surrounded by nuclear-armed states in South Asia. India had already conducted its first nuclear test in 1974.

Strengthening international norms and institutions. India's first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, supported Asian unity, decolonisation, disarmament and the United Nations as a forum for settling disputes. India has pressed for a universal and non-discriminatory approach to weapons of mass destruction, in which all countries have the same rights and duties, and it argued for a fairer New International Economic Order (NIEO). It used non-alignment to help carve out a zone of peace outside the two superpower blocs.

Meeting non-traditional threats through cooperation. India has supported the Kyoto Protocol on cutting greenhouse gas emissions and has sent troops to UN peacekeeping missions around the world.

Meeting internal security challenges and building the nation. Several militant groups, from Nagaland, Mizoram, Punjab and Kashmir, have at times tried to break away from India. India has tried to hold the country together through a democratic system that lets different communities voice their grievances and share power, and it has tried to develop the economy so that the poor are lifted out of poverty and huge inequalities are reduced. Democratic politics gives the poor and disadvantaged a voice, and elected governments are under pressure to combine economic growth with human development.

What is the Kyoto Protocol?

The Kyoto Protocol is an international treaty that extends the 1992 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). It commits state parties to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, based on the scientific view that global warming is happening and that human-caused carbon dioxide emissions are a major cause.

The Protocol was adopted in Kyoto, Japan, on 11 December 1997 and came into force on 16 February 2005. It had 192 parties (Canada withdrew in December 2012).

Why it still matters

The two ideas in this chapter, traditional and non-traditional security, are not just exam theory. They describe the world right now.

On the traditional side, the arms race and the balance of power are very much alive. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), world military spending reached a record 2,718 billion US dollars in 2024, a 9.4 per cent jump on the previous year and the steepest rise since 1988. The five biggest spenders were the United States, China, Russia, Germany and India, and together they accounted for about 60 per cent of the world total. When you read about deterrence, alliances and the balance of power in these notes, this is the real-world behaviour those ideas are trying to explain.

On the non-traditional side, human security is under record strain too. The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) reports that 123.2 million people were forcibly displaced by the end of 2024, roughly one in every 67 people on Earth, up 6 per cent in a single year. More than a third came from just four countries: Sudan, Syria, Afghanistan and Ukraine. This is exactly the story of refugees, migration and human security that the chapter describes, but happening today. The same non-traditional lens now frames climate threats to low-lying nations and the risk of new pandemics.

To connect these notes to live world affairs, you can explore current explainers in the Learnacy Hub, and for more pieces on conflict, terrorism, defence and displacement you can browse the Security topics on our resources hub.

Sources

  1. SIPRI, Trends in World Military Expenditure 2024.
  2. UNHCR, Global Trends: Forced Displacement in 2024.

Key takeaways

  • Security refers to the absence of threats, particularly those that endanger core values.
  • Traditional security focuses on military threats to a country, while non-traditional security considers broader dangers like terrorism and climate change.
  • Traditional security policy is built around deterrence, defense, and the balance of power.
  • Alliances are formed by countries to increase their effective power against other countries or alliances, based on national interests.
  • In international politics, each country is finally responsible for its own security, as there is no central authority above all states to regulate behavior.

Test yourself

What does security mean in simple terms?

Security means the absence of threats, particularly those that endanger core values.

What is the main focus of traditional security thinking?

Traditional security thinking holds that military threats are the greatest danger to a country.

What are the three main elements of traditional security policy?

The three main elements of traditional security policy are deterrence, defense, and the balance of power.

Why do countries form alliances?

Countries form alliances to increase their effective power against other countries or alliances, based on national interests.

Who is finally responsible for a country's security in international politics?

In international politics, each country is finally responsible for its own security, as there is no central authority above all states to regulate behavior.

Play with the idea

Security beyond armies: test the claim, find the gap

Test claims about traditional and non-traditional security against specific evidence. Each scenario uses treaty texts, real data or a fictional model; the questions ask what the evidence supports and what remains unresolved.

Situation 1

A government says 'We spend 2% of GDP on defence, so our people are secure.' UNDP data shows 15% child stunting, 8% extreme poverty, and air pollution reducing life expectancy by 5 years in the same country. Which assessment does the evidence support?

Explore the reasoning for every approach

Defence spending guarantees security; social indicators are a separate budget

This assumes traditional security (state survival) equals human security (individual safety). The evidence shows they can diverge: a state can survive while its people face hunger, disease and environmental risk. The 1994 UNDP report explicitly argues these are distinct referent objects.

Security has multiple referent objects; defence spending addresses one, not all

Yes. The government's claim conflates state security with human security. Both matter, but they require different policies, metrics and accountability. A credible security strategy specifies which referent object each policy serves.

Human security is a luxury; only rich countries can afford it

Costa Rica abolished its army in 1948 and invested in health/education — achieving higher life expectancy than richer neighbours. Human security is a policy choice, not a GDP threshold. The evidence contradicts the 'luxury' claim.

Situation 2

A strategist claims 'Cyber deterrence works like nuclear deterrence: if you attack my grid, I attack yours.' Evidence: no agreed attribution standard; attacks route through third countries; non-state actors operate; private firms own 85% of critical infrastructure. Which assessment is best supported?

Explore the reasoning for every approach

Mutually assured destruction applies; cyber deterrence is stable

Nuclear deterrence relies on certain attribution, immediate effect, and state-only actors. Cyber has none of these. Attribution takes months; effects are reversible; criminals and proxies blur responsibility. The analogy fails on every structural condition.

Cyber deterrence is fundamentally different; defence and resilience matter more than retaliation

Yes. Without reliable attribution and clear red lines, deterrence by punishment is weak. Deterrence by denial (hardening systems, segmentation, backups) and resilience (recovery plans) are the primary strategies. States still threaten retaliation, but credibility is low.

We need a Cyber Non-Proliferation Treaty immediately

Dual-use technology (encryption, vulnerability research) makes verification impossible. The NPT works because fissile material is detectable; code is not. UNGGE norms are voluntary precisely because a binding treaty is not verifiable with current tech.

Situation 3

India's No First Use (NFU) doctrine: 'Nuclear weapons will only be used in retaliation against a nuclear attack on Indian territory or forces.' Pakistan develops tactical nuclear weapons (Nasr) for battlefield use against Indian conventional forces. Does NFU still deter?

Explore the reasoning for every approach

NFU fails because Pakistan can use tactical nukes without triggering massive retaliation

This assumes India's retaliation threshold is only strategic. India's 2003 doctrine: 'NFU against non-nuclear weapon states; retaliatory response to chemical/biological attack.' A tactical nuke on Indian soil is a nuclear attack — massive retaliation remains credible. But ambiguity is deliberate; clarity could box India in.

NFU still deters strategic attack; tactical use creates an escalation ladder India controls

Partially. NFU raises the threshold for strategic use. But if Pakistan uses a tactical nuke, India faces: (a) massive retaliation (escalation to cities), (b) conventional retaliation (may not deter), (c) international isolation of Pakistan. The dilemma is India's, not Pakistan's. NFU doesn't solve the tactical-nuclear problem.

The evidence is insufficient; we don't know India's classified retaliation plan

Correct. Public doctrine ≠ operational plan. NFU is a declaratory policy; actual targeting, alert status and decision timelines are classified. Deterrence depends on what the adversary *believes*, not what is published. The gap between doctrine and capability is the central unknown.

Investigate before you memorise

Security is not just armies — it's climate, cyber, health, and who defines the threat

Explore how security thinking has expanded since 1945. Make a prediction before opening each section.

Open the security concepts map

From traditional to comprehensive security

The NCERT chapter traces the shift from state-centric military security to human, non-traditional and comprehensive security. Each concept below answers a different "security for whom?" and "security from what?"

Traditional Security

Focus
Military threats, state sovereignty, deterrence, balance of power
Example
Cold War nuclear deterrence, border defence

Non-Traditional Security

Focus
Human security, climate, pandemics, terrorism, cyber, migration
Example
COVID-19, ransomware attacks, climate displacement

Collective Security

Focus
Aggression against one = aggression against all (UN Charter Ch. VII)
Example
Korea 1950, Gulf War 1991, Libya 2011

Cooperative Security

Focus
Confidence-building, arms control, transparency, norms
Example
NPT, CTBT, CWC, Vienna Document

Human Security

Focus
Freedom from fear + freedom from want (UNDP 1994)
Example
MDGs/SDGs, R2P, child soldiers, trafficking

Comprehensive Security

Focus
Integrates military + economic + environmental + societal
Example
EU Common Security and Defence Policy, ASEAN
Is human security just a Western idea imposed on the Global South?

The 1994 UNDP report was commissioned by the UN, not a single state. Mahbub ul Haq (Pakistan) and Amartya Sen (India) led it. The Global South drove the MDGs/SDGs. But R2P (Responsibility to Protect) — often linked to human security — was invoked for Libya 2011 (Western-led) and rejected for Syria/Rohingya. The concept's application has been selective; the framework is not inherently Western. Ask: who defines the threat, who decides the response, and who is accountable?

Can a country be secure if its people are not?

Traditional security says yes — state survival comes first. Human security says no — the referent object is the individual. The 1994 UNDP report argued: "A nation that cannot protect its citizens from hunger, disease, illiteracy or violence is not secure." This is a normative choice, not an empirical fact. States prioritise differently: North Korea chooses regime security over human security; Costa Rica abolished its army to invest in health/education. Both are sovereign choices with different outcomes.

Open the contemporary challenges table

Six security challenges: treaty, status, gap

Each row shows the legal framework, current reality, and what's missing. The gap is where policy, law or cooperation falls short.

ChallengeTreaty/FrameworkCurrent StatusGap
Nuclear Proliferation NPT (1970), CTBT (not in force), TPNW (2021) 9 nuclear-armed states; Iran, North Korea crises; P5 modernising arsenals Disarmament (Art. VI) stalled; no-verification regime for new tech
Terrorism 19 UN conventions, UNSCR 1373, 2178 ISIS territorial defeat; affiliates persist; lone-actor attacks; financing via crypto No universal definition; state-sponsorship allegations; human rights in CT
Cyber Security No binding UN treaty; UNGGE norms (2015, 2021) Ransomware, state espionage, critical infrastructure attacks; attribution hard Norms voluntary; no enforcement; private sector owns 85% infrastructure
Climate Security UNFCCC, Paris Agreement (2015) 1.5°C target slipping; climate-conflict nexus (Sahel, Arctic); displacement rising Loss & damage fund new; security council mandate debated; mitigation gap
Health Security IHR (2005), Pandemic Agreement (negotiating) COVID-19 exposed gaps; mpox PHEIC; antimicrobial resistance rising IHR compliance uneven; vaccine equity; sovereignty vs. surveillance
Outer Space Security Outer Space Treaty (1967), PAROS (proposed) ASAT tests (China, India, Russia, US); mega-constellations; debris No ban on space weapons; traffic management voluntary; legal gaps
Why is there no cyber treaty when attacks happen daily?

Three blockers: (1) Attribution — states deny responsibility; false flags are easy; (2) Dual-use — same tools for espionage, crime, defence; banning "cyber weapons" bans security research; (3) Sovereignty — US/EU want open internet; Russia/China want sovereign control. UNGGE (2015, 2021) agreed on voluntary norms (no critical infrastructure attacks, no election interference) but no verification or enforcement. Private sector (Microsoft, Cloudflare, etc.) does most defence — states regulate, not operate.

Open India's security policy

India's security choices: test the claim

No First Use (NFU)

Detail
Declared 1998; reaffirmed 2003; conditional on chemical/biological attack
Debate
Credible minimum deterrence vs. tactical flexibility; Pakistan's full-spectrum deterrence

Strategic Autonomy

Detail
Multi-alignment: QUAD, BRICS, SCO, bilateral with US/Russia/France/Israel
Debate
Autonomy vs. alignment; Ukraine war test; technology transfer dependencies

Neighbourhood Security

Detail
SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in Region); Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative
Debate
China's String of Pearls/BRI; Pakistan proxy war; Myanmar instability

Defence Modernisation

Detail
Atmanirbhar Bharat; DRDO, iDEX, defence corridors; S-400, Rafale, Tejas, Arihant
Debate
Import substitution vs. tech transfer; procurement delays; private sector role
Does No First Use make India safer or constrain it?

NFU raises the nuclear threshold — adversary knows India won't strike first. But Pakistan's "full-spectrum deterrence" (tactical nukes) claims to offset conventional inferiority. If Pakistan uses a tactical nuke on Indian troops in own territory, does NFU hold? India's 2003 doctrine: "NFU against non-nuclear weapon states; retaliatory response to chemical/biological attack." Ambiguity is deliberate. The debate: does clarity deter, or does ambiguity deter more?

Is strategic autonomy possible when you buy S-400 from Russia and fighters from France/US?

Autonomy ≠ autarky. India diversifies suppliers to avoid single-source dependence (Cold War: USSR; now: Russia, France, US, Israel, domestic). S-400 (Russia) + Rafale (France) + Apache/MH-60R (US) + Tejas (domestic) = no single leverage point. But: technology transfer is limited; US CAATSA sanctions risk; Russia's reliability questioned post-Ukraine. Autonomy is a portfolio strategy, not self-sufficiency. The test: can India sustain a conflict if one supplier cuts off spares?

Open the security dilemma game

The security dilemma: a fictional two-state model

State A builds a defensive missile shield. State B sees it as neutralising B's deterrent, so B builds more missiles. A sees more missiles, builds better shield. Both spend more, neither is safer.

  1. Round 1: A spends 10 on defence. B spends 10 on offence. Both feel equally (in)secure.
  2. Round 2: A adds 5 for shield. B adds 10 for penetration aids. B feels less secure; A feels more secure.
  3. Round 3: A adds 10 for layered defence. B adds 20 for MIRVs/decoys. Crisis stability drops — first-strike incentive rises.
What breaks the spiral?

Arms control (ABM Treaty 1972 limited shields), transparency (Open Skies, Vienna Document), confidence-building (hotlines, prior notification), or mutual vulnerability acceptance (MAD). But each requires trust or verification. When trust collapses (ABM Treaty 2002, INF 2019, Open Skies 2020), the spiral resumes. The dilemma is structural; the escape is political.

Concepts from NCERT Chapter 5: Security in the Contemporary World, UNDP Human Development Report 1994, UNIDIR, SIPRI, UNODA. Challenge scenarios and game model are original teaching examples. Finish by explaining one distinction that helps you evaluate a headline like "Cyber war is the new nuclear war."

Try it

Security in the Contemporary World | Class 12 Political Science

Let's test your understanding of security concepts from this chapter.

1A country faces a severe drought that causes widespread crop failure, forcing millions of rural residents to migrate to cities in search of food and work. Under the security framework in this chapter, which category does this threat belong to?

2Two countries have been rivals for decades. Country A notices Country B has significantly increased its military spending and recently conducted joint military exercises with another neighboring country. According to the chapter, what is Country A most likely to do in response?