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Terrorism

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Boko Haram: A decade of terror explained - BBC Africa · BBC News Africa

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The hardest thing about the word terrorism is agreeing on what it means. To call an act terrorism is to judge whether the violence, aimed at whom, carried out by whom, and for what purpose, is unjustified. Because people disagree about that judgement, the modern definition of terrorism is deeply contested. Violence used to reach political goals is common among both state and non-state actors, which makes a neat, agreed definition even harder.

Most working definitions have been written by government agencies, and they are systematically biased to leave governments themselves out of the picture. The label terrorist is also highly loaded: it signals a lack of legitimacy and morality, so who gets called a terrorist is itself a political act.

A widely cited international definition comes from the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 49/60, adopted on 9 December 1994 and titled "Measures to Eliminate International Terrorism". It describes terrorism as:

Criminal acts intended or calculated to provoke a state of terror in the general public, a group of persons or particular persons for political purposes are in any circumstance unjustifiable, whatever the considerations of a political, philosophical, ideological, racial, ethnic, religious or any other nature that may be invoked to justify them.

Changing Nature of Terrorism

Terrorism in the 21st century versus terrorism in the past

Older terrorism was largely secular. For much of the period after the Second World War, terrorism was tied to nationalist and especially separatist movements. Traditional terrorists could be satisfied with limited political change or partial concessions, and they tended to use violence strategically rather than for its own sake. Some, such as the Sicarii, a Jewish zealot faction in the ancient world, even used military-style command structures. By the 1980s, religion had become a powerful driver of political violence, and taking part in terrorism was increasingly framed as a religious duty. These newer terrorists are far harder to bargain with, because their aims are rigid and non-negotiable. Violence became more symbolic and was welcomed as a sign of total war. New terrorists are also more likely to work inside loose, multinational networks of connected groups and supporters. Al-Qaeda is a clear example.

Terrorism in this new or postmodern era has been carried out for a wide mix of motives, including:

  • promised rewards in the afterlife
  • financial support for the attacker's family
  • recognition and status within a community
  • revenge for perceived wrongs
  • a religious duty, for some, to kill as many non-believers as possible

What some writers call "new terrorism", often linked to global jihad, is presented by its supporters as a reaction to the worldwide subjugation of Muslims and to what they see as the spiritual bankruptcy of the West. Unlike earlier groups that wanted to change the rules of society, religious terrorists often want to replace the whole normative system rather than merely reform it.

Countering Transnational Terrorism

Because terrorism now crosses borders, states face a set of tangled decisions about when and how to act. The first choice is where to intervene. Some Western states have been tempted to act globally, trying to stop terrorist groups from forming or to weaken existing ones in so-called frontline states. This can take the form of international aid, military advice and training, and financial and military support to friendly governments. The risk is that such help ends up propping up undemocratic regimes and drawing outside powers into fighting in disputed areas. The use of drones by the United States in Pakistan is one example that has sparked heated debate.

A second, parallel strategy is to act at home, strengthening state power to reduce the reach and capabilities of terrorist organisations. Whether abroad or at home, though, the result has often been a shrinking of civil liberties and tighter limits on human rights. The usual justification is that there must be a balance between human rights and human security, and that a government's first duty is to keep its citizens safe.

The counter-argument is that abandoning these basic freedoms actually rewards terrorism. Treating suspected terrorists as "outside" the normal criminal process, while ordinary, law-abiding people carry the cost, hands the attackers a win. In practice, counter-terrorism and counter-radicalisation measures have done serious human harm. This can be seen in Egypt's crackdown on protesters, journalists and civil-rights groups in the name of fighting terrorism. According to Human Rights Watch in 2015, Egypt was living through its worst human rights crisis in modern history, with the government using national security as a reason to silence almost all criticism.

Why it still matters today

Terrorism is not a topic frozen in a textbook. It is measured every year by the Institute for Economics and Peace, whose Global Terrorism Index tracks attacks and deaths across the world. The picture it paints keeps changing, which is exactly what the "transnational" idea in these notes predicts.

The Global Terrorism Index 2025, covering the year 2024, found that the centre of gravity has shifted. The Sahel, a band of countries across West Africa, was the world's terrorism epicentre, accounting for more than half of all terrorism deaths that year. Burkina Faso was the single worst-affected country, where terrorist attacks killed 1,532 people. Just as important, the number of countries hit by at least one attack rose from 58 to 66, the most since 2018. In other words, even in years when the global death toll falls, terrorism keeps spreading into new places, exactly the mobile, border-crossing threat described above.

These numbers also keep the older debate alive. When violence spreads across borders, governments face the same hard choice you have just read about: how much freedom and privacy citizens should give up in the name of security. That live tension between security and civil liberties is one of the big questions in international relations today. You can read more study notes on world affairs and politics in the One Young India resources library, or explore how these ideas connect to careers, data and current events on the Learnacy Hub.

Conclusion

Terrorism is a term that has existed since the French Revolution. It is best understood as a destructive form of political action that uses violence to instill terror in order to achieve political goals. Terrorists often kill or injure non-combatants and innocent people in order to maximise fear and win the widest possible attention for their cause. This draws in the news media and the public, and it keeps terrorism high on the agenda of many countries and international organisations.

The cause, the operation and the consequences of today's terrorism are all international. Its key features make it central to international relations, because it raises a new kind of security worry for states: the threat comes not from other states, as in war, but from mobile groups that move between countries and are spread around the globe. This new wave of terrorism is seen by states as a challenge to core parts of their sovereignty, including their power and their legitimacy.

Sources

  1. Institute for Economics and Peace, Global Terrorism Index
  2. Vision of Humanity, "Sahel dominates the top 10 countries most impacted by terrorism", Global Terrorism Index 2025

Key takeaways

  • The definition of terrorism is deeply contested because labeling an act as terrorism involves judging whether the violence is unjustified, which is inherently subjective and political.
  • The UN General Assembly Resolution 49/60 (1994) provides a widely cited definition describing terrorism as criminal acts intended to provoke terror for political purposes that are unjustifiable under any circumstances.
  • Terrorism changed significantly in the 1980s when religion became a powerful driver of political violence, with new terrorists having rigid, non-negotiable aims rather than seeking limited political change.
  • 21st-century terrorism operates through loose, multinational networks like Al-Qaeda, with diverse motives including religious duty, financial rewards, revenge, and status recognition.
  • Counter-terrorism strategies involve trade-offs between security and civil liberties, often shrinking human rights while the Global Terrorism Index shows terrorism spreading to more countries.

Test yourself

What region was the world's terrorism epicentre in 2024 according to the Global Terrorism Index?

The Sahel, a band of countries across West Africa, accounting for more than half of all terrorism deaths.

What country was the worst affected by terrorism in 2024?

Burkino Faso, where terrorist attacks killed 1,532 people.

According to the note, what was the main difference between older terrorism and new terrorism in terms of goals?

Older terrorists could be satisfied with limited political change or partial concessions, while new terrorists have rigid, non-negotiable aims.

Try it

Terrorism

Consider these scenarios and apply your understanding of the text.

1A diplomat argues that any definition of terrorism should clearly exclude state violence, since only non-state actors can be 'terrorists.' Based on the text, what is the most accurate response?